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Una infografía sobre Top 26 sitios de crowdfunding. Vía
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Top 26 sitios de crowdfunding
A mother and son stopped at the drive-thru at the Dairy Queen in Thornton, Colorado, and the boy said that his shake tasted funny, like his tongue was burning. His mom took a sip and discovered that the kid was right. He was right: it was definitely not vanilla-flavored. “I took a drink of it and tasted something very ‘chemically,’ and then my mouth and throat started burning,” she told the local Fox affiliate.
She returned to the store, where the manager refused to issue a refund for the contaminated shakes. That was just as well: the family’s next stop was the hospital. Later, a district manager contacted them and explained that someone mixed up a vanilla syrup bottle that was being cleaned with a full one, and that’s where the degreaser shakes came from.
It gets even worse: other customers contacted the TV station in Denver that originally covered this story, claiming that the same thing had happened to them. Maybe that’s why the Dairy Queen imposed their “no refunds for degreaser shakes” policy?
By the way, the woman in Utah who drank lye-laced iced tea has recovered, and was released from the hospital earlier this week.
Dairy Queen management: Cleaning solution got into customers’ vanilla shakes [Fox31 Denver]
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Buscar en Google: los trucos del experto
That’s the story of municipal broadband in many parts of the country. Twenty states have some kind of law in place that either prohibits or restricts public broadband utilities from operating or expanding.
In a lengthy feature, the Center for Public Integrity reports on just how heavily involved companies like Comcast and AT&T are in stifling the expansion of municipal broadband. The telecom and cable companies wield outsized power in state-level governments, the report finds, and can make things very difficult for anyone who stands against them.
Incumbent ISPs don’t like publicly-owned broadband. They argue that it’s subsidized competition they just shouldn’t have to face. Earlier this year, an AT&T executive testified in a Senate hearing that, “we don’t believe that private companies should actually compete against public-subsidized, taxpayer cost to capital in that market.” At the same hearing, Comcast exec David L. Cohen agreed that Comcast advocates against municipal broadband whenever they can.
As the CPI report demonstrates, though, that “advocacy” is far from sign-waving and comment-filing. The article tells the story of Janice Bowling, a state senator in Tennessee who tried to expand an existing public network in the city of Tullahoma beyond the city limits. In February, she introduced a bill to do just that.
Over the coming months, Bowling and her caucus received repeated pressure from AT&T, Charter, and Comcast to drop the bill into a slow season where it would never be voted on. She continued to advocate for her bill, but ultimately found herself sitting at the table with an AT&T representative who “leaned toward her across the table in a conference room next to the House caucus leader’s office and said tersely, ‘Well, I’d hate for this to end up in litigation,'” according to CPI.
The apparent threat worked; Bowling’s bill lost support and vanished into obscurity without a vote.
Even ten years ago, CPI reports, getting that network built in Tullahoma was an uphill battle:
When Tullahoma began planning its fiber optic network in 2004, “it got unpleasant real fast,” said Steve Cope, who was mayor at the time. “When you get into broadband you begin stepping on the toes of some of the big boys, the AT&Ts and Charters of the world. They don’t want the competition, and they’ll do anything to keep it out.”
“Do anything” is basically synonymous with “spend a big mountain of money,” as it turns out. The CPI report goes on to detail the campaign giving, lobbying, and extensive advertising campaigns that entrenched companies have used to get state legislatures to move in their favor.
The CPI report also looks at the city of Fayetteville, North Carolina. Fayetteville has a fiber-optic network running beneath its streets for use by hospitals, police, and other specific public works agencies. Neither residents nor businesses, though, are allowed to access it — even though Time Warner Cable, the local supplier, refused to upgrade their network or even connect parts of the city.
One doctor told CPI that he pays Time Warner Cable $359 per month for internet service to his private practice, but that even so it’s slow and unreliable. He said that from a business perspective, he understands why TWC is hesitant to spend more in the area. “But,” he told CPI, “we still need a fast, affordable network. They have a monopoly, and they act that way. I just think a little competition from the city would go a long way in getting better service for everyone.”
Even though companies are unwilling to invest in their networks in certain areas, they are certainly willing to invest in politicians. In both Tennessee and North Carolina, AT&T has spent millions — $1.3m and $1.6m respectively — on campaign donations. Comcast, Time Warner Cable, and CenturyLink have also spent big on political donations in those states. State senators who have received tens of thousands of dollars from telecom companies aren’t likely to advance bills that hurt those companies’ interests.
The next best hope for cities that want to install their own fiber — or even to plug into dark fiber that’s already lying around unused — may come from the federal level. The FCC, at the request of two cities (Chattanooga, TN and Wilson, NC) that would like to expand their municipal fiber offerings, is considering a rule change that would allow them to pre-empt those state laws, giving municipalities the ability to carry on as they please.
That fight has rapidly become extremely politically polarized and also ugly very quickly. D.C. has slowed down in the August heat, but that battle is likely to start boiling again when September rolls around.
How big telecom smothers city-run broadband [Center for Public Integrity]
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Una infografía sobre Aprende inglés: verbos que a menudo se confunden.
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[Infographic provided by Grammar.net ]
The response to the designers’ use of an unwrapped Hershey Kiss — complete with a wafting paper ribbon — has been met with some less than kind reviews from the readers of UnderConsideration.com, where variations of the poetic phrase “steaming pile of turd” are repeated.
And as FastCoDesign’s Mark Wilson points out, the logo is just some blinking eyes away from being a poo emoji:
The good news is that Hershey is in good company, joining Santander as one of the few companies with logos that literally look like crap.
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Una infografía con el Top 10 países que más vídeo online consumen.
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You will find more statistics at Statista
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